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C00002 00002 SOME ECONOMIC PROPOSITIONS
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SOME ECONOMIC PROPOSITIONS
1. In 1973 the U.S. economy is growing very fast as it
should. This produces spot shortages, because the economic
servo-mechanism by which shortages raise prices which raises
production operates with time constants that depend on the technology
of the particular industries, on construction lags, and on the
economic situation of industries related to the given one through the
Leontiev matrix. This can be relieved by good predictions of future
demand.
2. There is a certain parallelism between planning and
prediction. Namely, a good economic plan will make many of the same
decisions that would be made by individual producers if they knew
future demand curves. There probably are some important
discrepancies, however.
3. There ought to be a social contract that tells the
relative rewards of different occupations. This contract would be
subject to change by politics and other power struggles but would
reduce the amount of conflict. This is because economic struggles
are needed at present even to maintain a group's present share of the
GNP. It could be accomplished with a universal cost-of-living
adjustment to salaries with a variable deflator to adjust total
demand to total supply. A corresponding regulator on the price side
should also exist, but it should be less rigorous, because of the
greater differentiation of products makes rigid rules difficult to
define properly.
If each teacher or automobile worker received a fixed share
of the per capita personal income, their struggles over income could
be less frequent. Perhaps this wouldn't suit their union leaders, but
if more frequent struggles were wanted, they could be over non-economic
issues such as discipline.
4. Perhaps there ought to be futures markets in more
commodities and in labor, i.e. in such a market one would be able to
buy or sell a man-hour of plumbing in 1976.
5. The stock, commodity, and real estate brokers can be and
should be substantially wiped out by a uniform computerized property
exchange that everyone could join for a $25 initiation fee and
charges for keeping track of transactions. Workers have had to worry
about technological unemployment for many years. Now let it be the
brokers' turn.
6. All technological improvements should produce
unemployment; otherwise they aren't worth making. Full employment is
and should be assured by a general economic servomechanism. If we
understood this mechanism better, it would work better.
Perhaps, a
first step is to provide the government with more precise controls
than just controlling the interest rate and money supply. One
candidate is government purchase and sale of other commodities than
agricultural in order to buffer markets. Of course, there is a lot
of complaint about how this has worked out in agriculture, but
perhaps the troubles stem from political determination of prices paid
in particular years and also because weather fluctuation generates
more instability in agricultural supply than would be affected
elsewhere in the economy. Perhaps there should be a rigid rule that
the any government stocks would be reduced to a fixed level, e.g. a
six months supply within say three years and would be bought up to
that level in order to have a supply. This number would be
predictable in general but all these numbers would be moved in
parallel in order to have a gross economic effect.
I am much less confident than when I first wrote the above,
that the government would do a good job.
5. Suppose some organization introduced the credit as a
pseudo-monetary unit. A credit consists of a fixed physical mixture
of commodities, e. g. 5 pounds of steel + 2 gallons of regular gas +
1 bushel of wheat + one haircut in Denver. They would buy and sell
credits at current prices for the commodities involved. Some people
might find it worthwhile to make loans in credits and charge interest
in credits. Thus credits would be an inflation proof currency. This
would cause a desire to bargain for wages expressed in credits. I
suppose it's a bad idea.
6. Occupations can be divided into two categories - those
that produce a storable product and those that don't. If the demand
for a non-storable service is miscalculated, there is either a
shortage or an unsalable service while a storable product can be
stockpiled if there is an excess of capacity. Apart from the
incentive mechanism to achieve it, it seems moderately clear that the
production rates of storable products should not be allowed to
fluctuate rapidly. They only need to be servoed enough so that
stocks don't get out of hand. If 10 percent inefficiency is
tolerable, then accumulating a year's supply of something is
tolerable. While a service doesn't have a storable product, delays
in obtaining the service are often tolerable. For example, there is
ordinarily a delay in obtaining a dentist's appointment.
7. The oil problem is interesting from the economic point of
view. There is a large supply of cheaply produced oil in the U.S.,
but the demand exceeds this supply, and foreign oil is expensive.
Maintaining two prices is an unstable situation, since people will
find ways of hoarding the cheap oil. If people are to have proper
incentive to save oil, they should pay for marginal oil at the
marginal price. Likewise producers should receive the marginal price
for marginal oil they produce or import. Assuming there aren't too
many producers and their previous productions are known, once could
assign each producer a quota of oil that he must sell at the old
price. Above that he can charge the marginal price. The consumption
problem is harder. If the users are charged an average price, they
haven't enough incentive to save oil. However, an individual's
normal usage of oil is hard to determine and subject to finagling. A
good system might be to charge each user the marginal price, but
allow users to apply for subsidies based on factors in their previous
lives that caused them to consume much oil. These factors include
large poorly insulated houses, living a long distance from work,
having to chauffeur children, having a second house or a boat a long
distance from home, etc. Each of these subsidies should decay with
time, perhaps rates varying according to how long it would take to
change the situation impelling the subsidy. Chauffering and boat
subsidies would decline rapidly, subsidies for uninsulated but
insulatable houses would decline slower, a subsidy based on an owned
house would decline slower than one based on a rented house, etc.